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[SQUEAKING] [RUSTLING] [CLICKING] BEN OLKEN: So just to remind you where we were, we were talking about the separation test. And we had gone through all the different-- all these different cases, testing for separation, or whatever. And the idea of testing for separation-- the idea was to say, if we have changes in household labor supply, does that affect the amount of labor demanded on the household farms? And then, we talked about some of the challenges with some of the empirics in the Benjamin paper that you guys read for last time. So the idea of this LeFave and Thomas paper is basically it just literally takes the model, et cetera, off the shelf from the Benjamin paper, but redoes it using panel data. And so why-- so I don't-- did we discuss this at all at the end of last class? Yes, no? Yes, we did, a little bit but not a lot. OK, so just to sum up then-- OK, so, Tara, so since you answered the question. So what was the idea of why was the panel data helping us?...

[SQUEAKING] [RUSTLING] [CLICKING] BEN OLKEN: OK. So where are we? So we're just finishing up the last couple of things I wanted to talk about redistribution programs and transfer programs. And then I'm going to talk about tax, OK? All right. So did I talk about cash versus-- did I talk about the conceptual versus supply shocks, and man shocks, and all that stuff? OK, great. But I didn't show you the results, is that right? That's right? OK, right. So just to remind you, so yeah. I think this is what we went through last time, right? So the point about these cash versus in-kind programs is one thing you might think about is that a cash program is a demand, going to be a demand shock, whereas an in-kind program may also be a supply shock, right? So this is very basic, right? What happens if we do can-- you can actually do it in different ways. It's as simple as-- I should draw it, probably, right? So this is the supply of whatever the good is. This is th...